In Punjab, there is one teacher for every 24 students, and on average, 9 teachers teach in each school, with the average number of students per school being around 222. (Figures as per Government of India.)
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In your opinion, can this teacher-to-student ratio be considered sufficient to improve the quality of education?
Raghav Chadha may have switched political camps, but Punjab politics has always been unforgiving towards leaders seen as outsiders or Delhi-appointed faces. Despite his national profile and years of involvement in Punjab affairs, he has never built an independent mass base in the state. The question is: Can Punjab ever fully accept Raghav Chadha as one of its own, or is he destined to remain a strategist rather than a grassroots leader ? As he begins a new chapter in the BJP, is his future more likely to be shaped in Delhi's power corridors than on Punjab's political battlegrounds ?
राघव चड्ढा ने भले ही अपना राजनीतिक दल बदल लिया हो, लेकिन पंजाब की राजनीति हमेशा उन नेताओं के प्रति सख्त रही है जिन्हें बाहरी या दिल्ली से नियुक्त चेहरा माना जाता है। राष्ट्रीय पहचान और पंजाब की राजनीति में वर्षों की सक्रिय भूमिका के बावजूद, वह कभी भी राज्य में अपना स्वतंत्र जनाधार नहीं बना पाए। सवाल यह है: क्या पंजाब कभी राघव चड्ढा को पूरी तरह अपना नेता मानेगा, या वह हमेशा एक रणनीतिकार ही बने रहेंगे, जननेता नहीं ? भाजपा में नई पारी शुरू करने के बाद, क्या उनका भविष्य पंजाब के राजनीतिक मैदानों में तय होगा या फिर दिल्ली की सत्ता के गलियारों में ?
Partap Singh Bajwa has confidently predicted that Congress could win 70–80 seats in Punjab in 2027. But a more personal political question emerges: Before counting Congress's seats, should Bajwa first be counting on his own ? As one of the party's most vocal leaders and a constant claimant to a bigger role in Punjab politics, is Bajwa still the electoral heavyweight he believes himself to be, or could his own constituency become a tougher test than the predictions he is making for the entire state ? In politics, is winning the argument easier than winning the seat ?
